Cameroonian political news has been buzzing these days, just months before the presidential election, with alliance break-ups and other, more or less spectacular, acts of political migration. Beyond the (unnecessary) excitement that grips some passionate and hysterical players, it is wise to let the dust settle so that we can consider, with lucidity and calm, the events that have occurred—and those that will yet occur.
The truth is that political alliances are free, voluntary, circumstantial, well-defined, and self-interested commitments for each of the allied parties. Political alliances are hardly definitive, eternal choices; they can be broken at any moment by either party, according to its current interests. That is the nature of politics. Jurists would say that political alliances are not ne varietur—they are not unchangeable.
From the above it follows that the rupture of a political alliance is not really a casus belli capable of unleashing savagery on the public stage or undermining the atmosphere of calm we wish to promote for peaceful elections next October. This is precisely what the wise Paul BIYA teaches us when he reminds us:
“Those who are in the opposition are neither pariahs nor enemies. If they are responsible, I consider them full-fledged actors in national life.”
Indeed, attentive observers will note that President Paul BIYA’s relationship with his compatriots from the Far North has, at all times, been marked by three fundamental values: trust, loyalty, and commitment to a united, sovereign Cameroon.
Trust here is lived out among decent people who share mutual respect and a sense of honor—qualities that are meant to ensure active loyalty and mutual respect for commitments, year in and year out, in service of an inalienable republican ideal.
It was Paul BIYA himself—particularly attentive—who set the tone for this relationship upon assuming the highest office in Cameroon when he issued a major administrative decree splitting the vast Province of the North into three distinct new provinces: Adamawa, North, and Far North.
This was no mere cadastral redrawing of territorial boundaries; rather, it was an optimal and more harmonious reorganization of sociocommunal areas—a strengthening of the Far North’s original socio-anthropological foundations, bringing to light specific, unique identities that had long lain dormant or been diluted within the former large provincial entity.
Nor was it a matter of chance, but a deliberate, conscious choice by Paul BIYA to transform the lives of the region’s inhabitants by bringing administration closer to the governed.
This foundational act automatically unleashed the Far North’s socio-political space, notably enabling the emergence of new senior State actors from the Kirdi bloc—thus opportunely broadening the base of northern sons involved in state governance, far beyond the historically dominant Islamo-Fulani bloc.
One may therefore assert—without risk of error—that since 1982 President BIYA has consistently relied on honorable sons of the Far North, in all their sociocommunal diversity—whether Fulani, Kirdi, Christian, Muslim, or animist. They have often held, with effectiveness and loyalty, highly strategic State positions: at the Prime Minister’s office, at the Presidency’s General Secretariat, in various key ministries, in Parliament, and more.
In this spirit, the longevity of Cavaye Yéguié Djibril as President of the National Assembly, and that of Ayang Lucas as President of the Economic and Social Council, are as emblematic as countless other great figures from Cameroon’s North—Sadou Hayatou, Amadou Ali, Bello Bouba Maigari, Alim Hayatou, Dakolé Daïssala, Aïssaou Yaou, Hamadjoda Adjoudji, Sali Dairou, Amadou Moustapha, Garga Haman Adji, Issa Tchiroma Bakary, Jean-Baptiste Baskouda, Ibrahim Talba Malla, Alamine Ousman Mey, to name just a few—who have left their imprint on Paul Biya’s nation-building efforts.
Those who today distance themselves from Paul BIYA thereby cease—by their sovereign will—to be his political allies, yet they remain full-fledged actors in national (political) life. They are in no way ostracized, because:
“Above all, we must learn to listen to others, to accept or refute their points of view without descending into violence and hatred. This is a collective responsibility.”
It is abundantly clear that Cameroon’s overall sociopolitical stability has in large part rested on the fusion-like bond between President Biya and the Far North—and specifically on the close ties maintained with the region’s highly influential traditional authorities: from Rey Bouba to Garoua, Maroua to Ngaoundéré, Kousséri to Bankim, and beyond. The major lamidates are regularly called upon to ensure balance, harmony, and smooth relations between the State and those who embody it.
The strength of this relationship has ever been a true bulwark for the national cause during critical moments (sociopolitical upheavals, the fight against terrorism and insecurity, preserving national unity, etc.). Northern political actors have contributed significantly, and must continue to do so for the good of Cameroon.
That is the deep meaning and true purpose of the political alliances and other agreements concluded—without being strictly compelled by his own electoral performance—between Paul Biya’s Cameroon People’s Democratic Rally (RDPC) and various opposition parties led by sons of the Far North, such as the National Union for Democracy and Progress (UNDP), the National Alliance for Development (AND), the National Front for the Salvation of Cameroon (FNSC), the Movement for the Defense of the Republic (MDR), and others.
Suddenly, abruptly, imprudently, or thoughtlessly attacking these alliances is indeed an inalienable freedom of the actors—but it also risks destabilizing Cameroon, exposing it needlessly to chaos-mongers whose destructive perversity is known worldwide: in Iraq, Libya, Syria, the DRC, and elsewhere. So the question is: is this really what our country needs right now, despite the real hardships of daily life? Each political actor must answer with the true interests of the Cameroonian people in mind…
Beyond those who voluntarily abandon the collective, inclusive approach on offer, the depth, consistency, and richness of Paul Biya’s bond with the Far North remain strong, because other actors exist and remain firmly attached to it.
That said, one cannot imagine that everything here is idyllic. Legitimate grievances do exist—and often take the form of political, social, and infrastructural demands, sometimes with an irredentist edge, driven by radical groups or a few political activists under the negative influence of foreign interference.
The atrocities committed by the Boko Haram terrorist group, the ensuing general insecurity, and natural disasters (floods, droughts) exacerbate both the prevailing precariousness and the widely criticized infrastructure deficit.
Yet, naturally, these legitimate demands are well received by Paul Biya, whose government is working to remedy observed shortcomings—although one must press for more concrete and convincing results despite significant financial constraints… It is worth noting that a worthy son of the North has long been in charge of mobilizing development financing and overseeing territorial planning in Cameroon.
Undeniable progress is made every day, through—for example—upgraded healthcare facilities; closer, denser, more diverse, and specialized academic offerings; a road network under reconstruction—slowly but surely; better-structured initiatives to support and improve populations’ quality of life at the grassroots; and efforts to pacify and rebuild the social and economic fabric damaged by Boko Haram’s crimes.
All these accomplishments should nourish and strengthen President Paul BIYA’s relationship with the Far North—in perfect alignment with the republican ideal of a Cameroon that stands tall, united in its diversity, sovereign, peaceful, strong, and prosperous.
This republican ideal transcends individual ambitions, local aspirations, or partisan calculations. It is worth recalling as we approach these decisive electoral milestones.
Boris Jouvence TOUKAM
Watcher at 237
